With Jones' retirement looming, the company's political playbook had to change fast. Rowe set in motion a sustained charm offensive to transform Madigan from an adversary into a solid supporter of a far more ambitious legislative agenda.
79彩票注册网址It would take years for the effort to bear fruit, but, starting in 2011, the campaign would help the Chicago-based power giant achieve two of its most remarkable Springfield victories. The first: elbowing aside state regulators and putting ComEd's delivery rate hikes on something resembling autopilot. The second, a $2 billion ratepayer-financed bailout of two struggling nuclear plants.
79彩票注册网址It would also lead to the kind of cozy relationship that would bring several top lobbyists for the utility under federal scrutiny and prompt the abrupt departure of Anne Pramaggiore, the former CEO of Exelon Utilities who had been viewed as a candidate for Exelon's top job in part because of the effective courtship of influential pols orchestrated under her watch.
79彩票注册网址Exelon and ComEd donated generously to Madigan's campaign committees over the years, yes. But Exelon and ComEd also hired connected lobbyists, paying them millions, money which was then distributed to individuals who worked for and were favored by the speaker's campaign apparatus.
Chief among those lobbyists was Michael McClain, a confidant of Madigan and until 2017 ComEd's most important outside lobbyist. McClain, now a central figure in the U.S. attorney's investigation, distributed money he received from ComEd to people close to the speaker, according to press reports and one source who was approached by McClain offering ComEd cash for unspecified advocacy work.7072彩票开户